
2006 Articles 25 Dec Unexpected 20 Dec Darkest Hour 18 Dec 4 More Years 11 Dec Fiddling 30 Nov A Queue! 20 Nov Breaking Records 10 Nov Disappointed 2 Nov Spring In Zim 29 Oct How long Oh Lord? 28 Oct Poverty & Leadership 18 Oct Farm Situation 15 Oct Millstones 13 Oct Silent Cities 9 Oct Hwange 3 Oct To Protect 25 Sept Alice in W.land 18 Sept Next Week 17 Sept 7 Years 8 Sept Magic Matopos 5 Sept Lousy Year 21 Aug Let my people go 5 Aug Living on the Edge 4 Aug More Chaos 2 Aug New Beginnings 1 Aug Chaos 31 July Morgan Tsvangiryi 25 July End in sight? 16 July Regional Impact 12 July The Big Dick 5 July Leadership 3 July Walking on Water 18 June Into the breech 13 June Break through 3 June Tiger Fishing 31 May Remembrance Day 23 May Prognostications 18 May Floating 14 May The Winter 7 May How Long? 5 May May Day 25 Apr People Power 20 Apr Statistics 18 Apr Chernobyl 10 Apr Rats! 7 Apr Paranoia 4 Apr Running out of time 1 Apr Making a Difference 25 Mar Self Destruction 20 Mar Political Trees 12 Mar Funding 11 Mar Directions Please? 26 Feb An African Storm 23 Feb Getting it all wrong 21 Feb Deliberate Confusion 12 Feb Racist Rantings 5 Feb What Next? 31 Jan The Crunch 29 Jan Starving Children 21 Jan Its not cricket 18 Jan Letter to R.M. 15 Jan Absolute Nonsense 9 Jan New Strategies 8 Jan Funding 2 Jan Options
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Options
Well here we are - facing another year in Zimbabwe. No one I have
spoken to
is at all optimistic that this coming year will be any better than the
last.
In fact most - especially business persons say they think it will be
worse.
The question that arises is therefore what are our options? Some might
say
"what options" but we always have options from which we can choose
those we
feel might pave the way for our own security, prosperity and future.
One such option is to pack up and leave. Millions have done so and now
about
a quarter of our population lives in other countries. I say our
population,
as if there was some prospect of these migrants returning to the
country of
their birth, but we must be realistic and say that the great majority
will
in fact never come back. It's not an easy option - the break with the
past
is painful and expensive. Relocation to a strange country and living
amongst
strangers is never easy. But it remains an option and unfortunately for
those of who choose to stay, many are taking up this option and the
flight
of our human capital continues apace.
The other option is to stay - if you do you have two new domestic
options -
you can fight for a better future or compromise with the regime and
maybe
even join the gravy train. Many have taken the latter route - and some
white
Zimbabweans have gone that route. The rewards can be considerable,
although
the risks are also significant. If you take this route you better keep
a low
profile or run the risk of attracting international and domestic
opprobrium.
If you chose to stay and fight then what are your options? Not many.
There
is still the MDC - damaged by the recent infighting over options - the
choice between compromise and cooperation to secure progress. But now
there
is also a new group gradually emerging - Zanu and MDC renegades
currently
coalescing around what is being called the "Potato Party" because it's
symbol looks like a potato. There are some significant people in this
new
grouping - Moyo, Mabaleka perhaps Munangagwa eventually - perhaps
Dubengwa.
The infighting within both the MDC and Zanu PF is in fact forcing
people on
both sides to choose perhaps this "third force" as some of its
supporters
might call it - among them the owner of the remaining independent
national
weekly newspapers in Zimbabwe and the Mail and Guardian in SA. While
this
goes on the effective maneuvering of the two main political leaders -
Mugabe
and Tsvangirai, is frustrating the efforts being made to change the
course
of events inside both Zanu PF and the MDC.
As everyone well knows, Mugabe is a wily old devil and still has the
levers
of power firmly in his hands - even though he is being forced to rely
on his
security and military chiefs for decisions and initiatives - like those
that
led to Murambatsvina. The young Turks and others who dreamt of removing
Mugabe and then rebuilding what was left of Zanu PF as a Party and with
it
the Zimbabwean economy, are not winning the struggle going on inside
Zanu
PF. Likewise the group led by Welshman Ncube in the MDC is finding
itself
being expunged from the MDC and their support base within the Party
across
the country being marginalized and shrunk.
This represents a major failure of South African foreign policy in the
past
six months. Given the responsibility of securing change and progress on
the
political front by the G8 leaders in July 2005, Mbeki chose to try and
manipulate the Zimbabwean political scene to persuade Mugabe to step
down
early, persuade what was left of Zanu PF to then pick up the pieces and
with
Western help, start work on an effective political and economic
recovery
plan.
This is very important to Mbeki - Zimbabwe remains his most important
foreign policy issue and he well knows his peers in the west are
judging him
by his success or failure to deliver what he has undertaken to deliver.
At
the same time he fears the emergence of an MDC government here which
might
then encourage COSATU and the other elements on the left of the ANC
alliance, to go it alone and challenge ANC hegemony in South Africa
itself.
This is going to happen eventually but Mbeki knows he must postpone the
emergence of such an opposition alliance while he builds the center in
SA
politics and makes sure that the ANC straddles that position.
Such strategic imperatives in SA politics have been dealt a severe blow
by
the failure of the initiatives taken in the second half of 2005. The
growing
impatience of the UN system also now poses a threat and Mugabe's
belligerent
attitude both the need for a change in direction and in the approach to
the
humanitarian crisis here is a real problem. The impending visit to the
region by a senior UN official to follow up the recent debate on
Zimbabwe in
the Security Council is an immediate challenge.
But back to options. When Kissenger took up the cudgels on behalf of
western
Governments in 1976 and undertook to remove Ian Smith as an obstacle to
progress and change in Rhodesia, he did so with consummate skill and
the
effective use of the power and influence that his position gave him.
The US
had nothing at stake and it was a cheap and relatively easy task. Mbeki
has
the power to do the same thing - and just as quickly but fears the
fallout
in his own backyard - he cannot have both.
The hard-line position adopted by Mugabe is yet another example of the
options available - not a very sensible one, but it is an option and
unfortunately it has the effect of determining the shape of other
options
that are in front of us. Can we take another four years of Mugabe?
There can
be little doubt that Zanu PF is going to extend the life of this
presidency
to 2010, early in 2006. Can we take yet further economic collapse and
the
continuing decline in the quality and level of services that are
available
to us and are essential to our health and welfare?
The answer to both these hypothetical questions can be both yes and no.
Yes,
if we feel there is really nothing that can be done about Mugabe given
the
fatal strictures on SA foreign policy towards Zimbabwe and the low
priority
we attract in international circles even though we are a polecat. No,
if we
feel we still have the capacity to take matters into our own hands and
effect change.
The MDC is steadily moving towards its second national congress. 12 000
delegates are expected drawn from 1900 Ward Committees and 120
Districts and
12 Provinces. The Party still has majority support across the country
and it
can organise and hold major political rallies at will in almost every
part
of the country. With 2 million paid up members it is without doubt the
only
opposition grouping that can command national support and grass roots
muscle. The question is what direction to take after Congress? When we
launched the Party in 1999, we set out to change the government by
legal,
democratic and peaceful means. We have stuck to that until now. Now we
know
that elections are never going to yield change, what other options do
we
have? Some would say that if we abandon the electoral route then only
violence remains. The question is what sort of force can be employed?
History is riddled with examples of people who have thrown off the
mantle of
tyranny by peaceful means - Gandhi in India, recently the Orange
revolution
in the Ukraine - the overthrow of Marxist dictators in Europe in the
late 80
's and early 90's. But here we are up against a formidable opponent -
one
with degrees in violence. But he has never been weaker or more
isolated. He
is also getting older by the minute.
When the MDC meets in early 2006, it will know that Mugabe has decided
on
"four more years". That might be enough - just enough - to finally
bring out
the fighting spirit that we know exists in Zimbabwe. We know that
because we
have all seen it before, it takes a lot of provocation to bring it out
- but
when it does finally emerge not even their "degrees of violence" will
save
them. What option will you choose this day, I have bought mine!
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, January 2, 2006.
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