2008 Articles 25 Dec Kingdom Come 21 Dec Christmas 15 Dec Step Forward 5 Dec Beginning 1 Dec Amendment 30 Nov Facilitation 26 Nov Genocide 24 Nov Running Out 17 Nov Crisis 15 Nov Somalia 12 Nov What Next? 8 Nov Leadership 2 Nov Chipo 1 Nov Rome Burns 29 Oct Failure 25 Oct High Noon 19 Oct Never Easy 10 Oct Abyss 8 Oct Filibustering 4 Oct Chaos in Zim 29 Sept A Mule? 21 Sept On Step 16 Sept The End 12 Sept New Beginning 11 Sept Deal? 6 Sept Consequences 3 Sept Need a Deal 2 Sept Dollar Died 31 Aug Steering 29 Aug Unstuck 23 Aug Betrayed 18 Aug The Devil 13 Aug 13 Aug 08 12 Aug Today 11 Aug Cliffhanger 8 Aug Whats Going On 27 Jul Progress 22 Jul Agree to talk 21 Jul Mbeki kicks 16 Jul Crunch Time 13 Jul Economics 9 Jul Reality Looms 2 Jul Where? 30 Jun Looking Glass 26 Jun Battle 22 Jun What Now? 21 Jun The Commitment 16 Jun Do or Die 13 Jun Morning After 10 Jun Closing Doors 26 May Current Outlook 24 May Fan Club 19 May Tyranny 17 May End Game 15 May Flushing 8 May Violence 6 May Bizarre Process 25 Apr Cornered 20 Apr Electoral Fraud 19 Apr Jesse 17 Apr This Farce 11 Apr The Devil 6 Apr Wounded Buffalo 1 Apr Dying Kick 31 Mar Politcl Tsunami 27 Mar Current Situ. 26 Mar 4 days to go 21 Mar 8 days to go 15 Mar Election Time 27 Feb Games Begin 17 Feb Public Office 11 Feb Choices 4 Feb Decision Time 26 Jan Ambushed 25 Jan The Struggle 20 Jan Truth or Fiction 12 Jan Mugabe Mistake 8 Jan Surprise 2 Jan Kenya Lessons
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Betrayed by Africa
I think the most significant contribution to the Zimbabwe debate came from a
South Africa ANC stalwart, Kamal, last week. In a speech delivered in South
Africa, he stated that the democrats who have struggled so long to secure
democratic rights and practices in Zimbabwe and who clearly won the last
election despite irregularities, must not be abandoned. He called on other
countries, including his own, to support the struggle for democracy in
Zimbabwe.
A careful review of all that has gone on in the past 10 days will show that
Mr. Mbeki constructed a trap for Morgan Tsvangirai, working in the final
throws of the negotiations with both Mugabe and Mutambara in the process. On
Tuesday last week Morgan walked into the final negotiating session in Harare
and was presented with an agreement that had already been approved by both
Mugabe and Mutambara. He was asked to sign and was told that the deal
offered an end to the long nightmare of struggle and suffering for himself,
his family and his country.
He asked for time out to discuss it with his colleagues and after a period
brought back to the gathering a counter proposal. The changes were small but
made all the difference. In the first document Mbeki and the others offered
Tsvangirai the post of Prime Minister, but to be appointed by the President
(Mugabe) and not allowed to chair cabinet - taking responsibility for all
the ministries that Mugabe could not give a damn about - finance, education,
health, labour and social welfare. It not only recognised Mugabe's election
on the 27th June under appalling conditions but also left him in power with
all his current privileges and rights. MDC would hold 13 of a 31-seat
cabinet; Mutambara and Welshman Ncube, both heavily defeated in the March
29th election would be rewarded with non-elected posts and a significant
role.
The MDC counter proposal was totally consistent with the Parties position
from day one. It said that the results of the March 29th election had to be
respected in all aspects. That Parliament should appoint both the President
and the Prime Minister. It established a system that allowed Mugabe to
remain as President but with diminished power and responsibility. He would
still be Commander in Chief of the Armed forces. The Prime Minister would
have all the powers and responsibilities that are normally associated with
such a post in other countries.
The trap lay in what Mugabe then expected to happen; he had always known
that this was the key issue and that the MDC would never accept such a
proposal. So he carefully plotted with Mutambara to go for a deal that
excluded Tsvangirai and his Party, forming a Government with the Mutambara
faction of the MDC based on the deal negotiated over the past 18 months with
both the MDC groups but with the variation outlined above.
When the MDC rejected the deal and demanded that it be amended to reflect
the changes suggested, they fully expected Mbeki to go along with the
subterfuge. In fact he did not immediately do so - he advised them that a
deal that was not signed by Tsvangirai would have little weight in
international and African circles and that he would take the final areas of
dispute to the SADC for arbitration.
First stop in that process was Angola, that haven of democratic process'
that is yet to hold an election for its own leadership. Angola held the
Chair of the SADC organ on Security and Politics. Then he returned to South
Africa to prepare for the SADC summit due to take place in Johannesburg that
weekend.
At the summit the South Africans gave all participants a full written report
on the discussions that had taken place since March 2007. This included the
draft constitution crafted in the discussions and signed by all parties at
the Kariba meeting in September. You should know that we, the people of
Zimbabwe, who are most affected by all this, have yet to see these same
documents.
Mr. Mbeki, acting as the new Chairman of the SADC and as the official
mediator, told the grouping that the agreements reached represented a 'power
sharing deal' that was fair to all parties and should be signed. Although
the MDC was represented at the meeting by a high powered delegation, they
were not allowed to address the leadership of the SADC and Mugabe was
allowed to sit in his allotted seat as President of Zimbabwe, even though he
has no right to do so and his election in June is not recognised by the
great majority of the SADC and other African States. Only Botswana said they
would not attend if he were given recognition.
At the conclusion of the SADC meeting Mugabe had just about all he could
have wanted - the majority of the SADC had accepted him as President, they
had told the MDC that their refusal to sign the power sharing deal was
unreasonable, and left it to a weak and indecisive Mbeki to carry on with
his mediation. Tsvangirai, in a desperate attempt to rescue the talks
visited a number of countries in the immediate aftermath and then returned
to South Africa. To no avail. No substantive help or support has emerged for
a final agreement.
Mugabe, encouraged by a call by Mbeki for Parliament to be convened and by
the lack luster approach of the SADC leadership, has set about doing just
that. Mutambara has reiterated his stance that the deal is reasonable and
declared they are going to cooperate in Parliament. Zanu and the Mutambara
leadership have selected a candidate for Speaker - Paul Temba Nyathi, who
will stand for this post on Monday. Threats have been made against any
Mutambara people who might vote against him and for the MDC candidate.
It is a dangerous move - if Mbeki fails to endorse the arrangements then
Mugabe and Mutambara are acting alone and without the formal endorsement of
the SADC. If they lose the Speaker battle (and they could) then we are in
for a period when they might not be able to pass legislation and budgets to
run the government. They are also running the risk of total alienation from
the electorate and if they cannot pay the armed forces at the end of the
month (and I cannot see how they can) then they run the risk that the armed
forces might take matters into their own hands.
We in the MDC have said since 2000, that we want a peaceful, orderly, legal
and democratic transfer of power in Zimbabwe. We have fought 4 elections on
this premise, been subjected to campaigns of terror and abuse on a massive
scale, seen hundreds of our leaders murdered and thousands beaten and
tortured. We have been subjected to continuous propaganda, have campaigned
under grossly unequal conditions and voted in a system that has been
manipulated and distorted by a corrupt and totalitarian regime.
Yet despite all the provocation we have not raised a finger in support of
violence. When our members have demanded a violent response, we have
restrained them. When an armed struggle has been proposed, we have rejected
the proposals and repudiated the people who made them. Despite all of this
we won the March 29th election - because we were able to secure minimal
improvements in the way they were conducted. We still believe that 60 per
cent of the Zanu seats were won by means of rigging.
Now - at the final hurdle, we are told that we are being unreasonable in
demanding recognition for what we are - a Party that has won the right to
govern. We are prepared for the sake of a peaceful transition to work
together with Zanu on a transition back to democracy in two years and to
share power in the transition even though Zanu does not deserve this. South
Africa will pay a high price for this dereliction of duty when it mattered
most.
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, 23rd August 2008
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