2008 Articles 25 Dec Kingdom Come 21 Dec Christmas 15 Dec Step Forward 5 Dec Beginning 1 Dec Amendment 30 Nov Facilitation 26 Nov Genocide 24 Nov Running Out 17 Nov Crisis 15 Nov Somalia 12 Nov What Next? 8 Nov Leadership 2 Nov Chipo 1 Nov Rome Burns 29 Oct Failure 25 Oct High Noon 19 Oct Never Easy 10 Oct Abyss 8 Oct Filibustering 4 Oct Chaos in Zim 29 Sept A Mule? 21 Sept On Step 16 Sept The End 12 Sept New Beginning 11 Sept Deal? 6 Sept Consequences 3 Sept Need a Deal 2 Sept Dollar Died 31 Aug Steering 29 Aug Unstuck 23 Aug Betrayed 18 Aug The Devil 13 Aug 13 Aug 08 12 Aug Today 11 Aug Cliffhanger 8 Aug Whats Going On 27 Jul Progress 22 Jul Agree to talk 21 Jul Mbeki kicks 16 Jul Crunch Time 13 Jul Economics 9 Jul Reality Looms 2 Jul Where? 30 Jun Looking Glass 26 Jun Battle 22 Jun What Now? 21 Jun The Commitment 16 Jun Do or Die 13 Jun Morning After 10 Jun Closing Doors 26 May Current Outlook 24 May Fan Club 19 May Tyranny 17 May End Game 15 May Flushing 8 May Violence 6 May Bizarre Process 25 Apr Cornered 20 Apr Electoral Fraud 19 Apr Jesse 17 Apr This Farce 11 Apr The Devil 6 Apr Wounded Buffalo 1 Apr Dying Kick 31 Mar Politcl Tsunami 27 Mar Current Situ. 26 Mar 4 days to go 21 Mar 8 days to go 15 Mar Election Time 27 Feb Games Begin 17 Feb Public Office 11 Feb Choices 4 Feb Decision Time 26 Jan Ambushed 25 Jan The Struggle 20 Jan Truth or Fiction 12 Jan Mugabe Mistake 8 Jan Surprise 2 Jan Kenya Lessons
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The Plan Comes Unstuck
When Tsvangirai refused to sign the agreement already approved by both
Mugabe and Mutambara two weeks ago, it is sure that the one person who was
not surprised was Mugabe. He knew from the beginning that Tsvangirai would
never agree to the post of Prime Minister with responsibility but no power.
In fact the wily old devil had been negotiating for a long time knowing that
when the final crunch came, Tsvangirai would walk away.
But the plan started to unravel before he had any opportunity to gloat. The
MDC did not just refuse to sign but put in an alternative that in their view
was practical, consistent with the outcome of the March 29th elections and
workable. The second development was that Mr. Mbeki did not automatically
endorse the idea of a unity government between Zanu and the Mutambara
faction of the MDC. Instead he said that the problem would go to the SADC
summit that weekend for arbitration and that he would go on from there.
Even so Mugabe was still confident - he knew how to handle his detractors in
the SADC and was a past master at subterfuge. At the summit Tsvangirai ran
into a situation where he faced not just a recalcitrant Mugabe, but also
Mutambara and Welshman Ncube who made it clear, in both the plenary and the
closed sessions that they were backing Mugabe in this situation. They argued
that we were being unreasonable in not signing the deal as they had already
done and that if Tsvangirai continued to refuse to sign up, they would go
into a unity government with Zanu PF.
Mutambara played the role of 'power broker' claiming that he held the
balance of power between Zanu and the MDC and would use that influence to
ensure that a unity government under Mugabe would have a majority in
Parliament. As you can imagine this created severe difficulties for
Tsvangirai and his team as well as for our many friends in the region.
So the SADC summit decided to test the Mugabe/Mutambara hypothesis and get
them to convene Parliament and see who ended up controlling the House of
Assembly. Mbeki called for the formal opening of Parliament and in 10 days
this was put into effect. After a delay of 5 months Parliament was called
and on Monday the new Members of Parliament and the Senate were sworn into
office.
The issue at stake was quite simple - who controlled a majority in the lower
House and therefore the third arm of the State? Behind the scenes activity
was intense. Both Zanu and the MDC Mutambara held caucuses with their
representatives and tried to whip them into line. Threats were made against
those expected to rebel against the Party line and the regime pulled out all
the stops to try and whittle down the MDC majority. They attempted to bribe
MP's they issued warrants of arrest against others and there were blatant
attempts to threaten and intimidate.
The MDC went to great lengths to protect their legislators - people in
hiding were given security and moved to safe houses, MP's were ordered to
switch accommodation at the last minute to ensure their safety overnight. On
the day, those MP's who were under threat (15 of them) were transported to
the Parliament and then smuggled into the building via a back door. Those
using the front door, even with diplomats watching, were arrested - one
escaping and making it into the building and the other two being hauled off
to the Central Police Station. We managed to get one out of police custody
in time for him to be sworn and to vote, but we were one short when we
convened at 10.00 hrs.
After the swearing in, we were asked to elect a Speaker by secret ballot.
The atmosphere was electric - the tensions between the MDC, many of whom
were new, and the Zanu PF benches
were palpable. Zanu PF were supremely confident. I voted and then walked out
of the building with a Zanu PF legislator. He said to me 'you know what is
happening in there?' he said pointing back into the House? 'You are going to
lose this vote, we have bought many of your people and you cannot win
against a disciplined Zanu
PF!' I grunted in reply 'wait and see'.
At 13.30 hrs the place erupted - MDC had won the vote for Speaker by 110
votes to 98. We then went on to elect his deputy and this was also MDC. We
now controlled the lower House and the Parliamentary Committees. Under our
constitution the Speaker is the third most important post in the country.
When the President is incapacitated he acts as the President until a new
President is elected. Zanu PF was completely stunned - it was their first
defeat in the House for 28 years.
The majority of the Mutambara MP's and 4 Zanu PF legislators voted for our
candidate. The first major defection by Zanu PF legislators since we entered
the fray in 2000. It gave the MDC control of the House and a clear response
to the question raised by the SADC leadership. It also meant that Mutambara
is probably finished politically and that Mugabe's plan to form a unity
government with him and to then move on without Tsvangirai, controlling a
majority in the House that Zanu PF could gradually increase by eliminating
MDC legislators, in tatters.
Mbeki was not long in responding and called for the talks to resume to deal
with the remaining issues. There is not a great deal to talk about - 98 per
cent of the agreement has been wrapped up and it's just the central aspect
of the power and authority of the Prime Minister and the issue of the
governors and the special Senate seats (5) that are outstanding. Mugabe must
now face his regional mentors against the background that he has lost an
election, held a run off election that was not recognised by the region and
is in limbo politically. He has also now lost control of the Lower House and
faces grave difficulties in securing support for his legislative programme,
including budgets.
It would appear that the plan for a unity government has more or less
collapsed. Mugabe was holding back two Senate seats and two governor
positions, I suspect as rewards for Mutambara and Ncube. I also hear that
Munangagwa was set to be appointed to the watered down position of PM and
that they would then implement the deal and claim legitimacy from the SADC
process. Instead they are again thrown into the lion's den with a hungry,
angry lion and no defence.
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, 28th August 2008
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